(File photo)

After her stunning victory in winning the Green Party’s first-ever seat in Canada’s federal parliament, party leader Elizabeth May noted, “amateurs built the arc, [while] professionals built the Titanic.”

Seven years later, the federal party remains on Parliament with one seat—but May is now joined by a number of provincial counterparts from all across the country. Today, there are nine sitting elected politicians at the provincial level. Three of them are from British Columbia, three from New Brunswick, two from Prince Edward Island, and one from Ontario—as well as a growing number of municipal-level politicians.

What is most striking about these numbers is the lack of similarities between the ridings where these provincial Greens were elected. Once May was elected in 2011, the argument shifted away from the view that Greens can’t win anywhere in Canada, towards the view that only May could win as a Green.

When Andrew Weaver was elected in B.C., the argument then transitioned into the idea that Green candidates can only win in Vancouver Island. That argument quickly fell apart upon the election of David Coon in suburban Fredericton, N.B. in 2014. May stated just a few weeks ago, “the only similarities in those ridings is that they voted Green.”

Why are Canada’s various Green parties doing so well lately? They have worked hard over several decades to shift public perception of their policies and movements. Greens have long been criticized as being too focused on the environment and not caring about the other pressing needs of Canadians. Recently, voters have been willing to look at the Greens as policy-oriented and capable of exacting the change people desire.

In B.C., the provincial Greens hold the balance of power in a minority NDP government and have used this to gain concessions that favour their values and policies. A referendum on whether to alter the voting system in B.C. is currently taking place. Arguably, this would not have happened without the influence of Green representatives.

Additionally, given the backlash against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s rejection of electoral reform—which he had campaigned heavily on in 2015—many see the Greens as a viable way to get real results on these issues  rather than relying on parties they feel have neglected them.

A recent poll conducted by MQO Research for PEI’s next provincial election shows the Green Party is running in first place. This is supported by other polls which show them either in first place or tied with the governing Liberals. This is fascinating since it shows real potential for a province to elect the first Green government in our country’s history.

It is also worth noting that PEI’s Green Party leader, Peter Bevan-Baker, is frequently cited as the most popular leader in the province. In the latest Corporate Research Associates (CRA) leadership poll, Bevan-Baker commands the support of four in 10 voters, compared to just one quarter for the incumbent Liberal premier. This demonstrates the rising appeal of Green Party leaders to effectively head a government.

It is not a fluke that these Green politicians have been elected. Instead, it is a rising movement of Green politics that has adapted to work in the current first-past-the-post electoral system to gain real and long-lasting results.

In her seven years in the House of Commons, May has demonstrated that even one Green representative can make considerable change by introducing legislation, petitions, and criticizing the government in a way that is genuine to Canadians.

I am not saying that Canada will elect a majority Green government in next year’s federal election. The appeal of the Green vision depends on the values and needs of each individual voter. Rather, I argue that we can no longer dismiss the Greens as unelectable.

The Greens are a rising force in our politics, and Canadians, regardless of their background or location, are beginning to feel as though they would rather ride on the arc than the Titanic.